In the labyrinthine corridors of power in Kano, Nigeria's most populous state, where ancient emirs once commanded loyalty and modern governors navigate a minefield of politics and patronage, a scandal has erupted that threatens to tarnish the legacy of one of the nation's most ambitious administrations. Between February and August 2025, as Nigeria grappled with economic hardships and calls for accountability grew louder, the spotlight fell on Abdullahi Rogo, the Director-General of Protocol to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf. Accused of siphoning off N6.5 billion in public funds, Mr. Rogo stands at the center of what anti-corruption agencies describe as one of the most audacious money-laundering schemes in recent Nigerian history.
As an investigative journalist, I have spent the past six months piecing together this story, drawing on leaked documents, court filings, bank records, and statements from whistleblowers and bureau de change (BDC) operators. What began as whispers in Abuja's liaison offices has ballooned into a full-blown crisis, implicating not just Mr. Rogo but a web of state officials, fictitious companies, and currency traders. The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) have frozen accounts, recovered over N1.3 billion, and forfeited N142 million in illicit assets. Yet, as of August 2025, a controversial court ruling has shielded Mr. Rogo from further scrutiny, raising questions about judicial interference and political protection.
This article, based on exclusive access to investigation files and interviews with key players, exposes the mechanics of the scandal: how state allocations meant for development were allegedly converted into dollars and funneled into private pockets. It is a tale of betrayal that underscores Nigeria's enduring struggle with corruption, where public trust is eroded one naira at a time. With Kano's 2027 elections looming, the stakes could not be higher—this is not just about stolen billions; it's about the soul of governance in Africa's most vibrant northern state.
Background: Kano's Political Powder Keg and the Allure of Protocol Funds
To understand the N6.5 billion scandal, one must first grasp the volatile politics of Kano, a city of over 10 million where commerce thrives amid ethnic and religious tensions. Governor Yusuf, elected in 2023 under the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), swept into power on promises of reform, breaking the eight-year stranglehold of the All Progressives Congress (APC) led by his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. Mr. Yusuf's victory was narrow, fueled by youth discontent and allegations of APC-era graft, including the infamous "dollar video" purporting to show Mr. Ganduje stuffing bribes into his pockets.
The Directorate of Protocol, under Mr. Rogo's stewardship since 2023, is no ordinary office. It handles the governor's travel, VIP hospitality, and logistical support for dignitaries—from presidents to diplomats. In a state like Kano, where the governor's movements often involve lavish entourages and international jaunts, the office commands vast budgets. According to Kano State budget documents I reviewed, the Directorate received over N10 billion in allocations between 2023 and 2025, ostensibly for "administrative expenses." These funds flow from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), Nigeria's oil revenue-sharing mechanism, which disburses billions monthly to states.
But protocol offices nationwide have long been conduits for sleaze. A 2024 BudgIT report, which I consulted during my research, highlighted how such units often bypass procurement laws, using "letters of authority" to disburse cash without tenders. In Kano, the scandal traces back to November 2023, shortly after Mr. Yusuf's inauguration, when the state received a FAAC windfall amid rising global oil prices. Investigators allege that this influx—part of the N6.5 billion total—became the seed for a laundering operation that spanned 2022 to 2025, predating the current administration but accelerating under it.
My investigation began in February 2025, when ICPC sources tipped me off to a routine asset declaration probe that uncovered suspicious bank flows. By March, I had obtained redacted copies of Mr. Rogo's invitation letters from the ICPC, dated February 14, 2025, summoning him under Section 28 of the ICPC Act for questioning on fraud and conspiracy. What followed was a cascade of revelations, from frozen Zenith Bank accounts to petitions from disgruntled BDC operators, painting a picture of systemic abuse.
The Allegations: A Blueprint for Diversion
At the heart of the scandal is a simple yet insidious scheme: converting naira allocations into dollars via BDCs, then distributing the cash to insiders under the guise of official duties. ICPC documents, which I accessed through a Freedom of Information request in April 2025, detail how N6.5 billion was allegedly diverted between January 2022 and February 2025. The bulk—N4.2 billion—flowed in 2024 alone, coinciding with Governor Yusuf's high-profile trips to Saudi Arabia and the UAE for investment summits.
Key to the operation was the then-Kano State Accountant General, Abdussalam Abdulkadir, who authorized payments using fabricated "letters of authority." On November 9, 2023, for instance, N1.17 billion was transferred from the state's FAAC account to two BDC firms: Kazo Nazo and Namu Nakune. The funds were justified as payments for "oil and gas supplies" to fictitious entities—A.Y. Mai Kifi Oil and Gas Ltd. and Ammas Petroleum Company Ltd. Managing directors of these firms later confessed to ICPC investigators that the contracts were bogus; they signed under duress from Mr. Abdulkadir.
Nasiru Adamu, Managing Director of the BDC firms, provided a damning statement in July 2025, which EFCC prosecutors shared with me under anonymity. "On November 9, Gali Muhammad [an intermediary] approached me for dollars," Mr. Adamu recounted. "I received N1.17 billion that day and handed over $1 million in cash to him, who delivered it to Mr. Rogo at the Kano Liaison Office in Asokoro, Abuja." Mr. Muhammad, another BDC operator, corroborated this, admitting he personally passed the bundle to Mr. Rogo. Investigators labeled this a "blatant violation" of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022, as it bypassed banking channels and evaded forex regulations.
The scheme extended beyond this transaction. Between August 2024 and February 2025, an account at Alternative Bank under AH Bello Business Solutions Ltd.—secretly controlled by Mr. Rogo—saw N3.07 billion in inflows and N2.6 billion in outflows. Funds poured in from the Protocol Directorate, then dispersed to BDCs, associates, and relatives. By February 10, 2025, the account held N142.2 million, which the ICPC moved to forfeit as "proceeds of unlawful activity."
Mr. Rogo's personal Zenith Bank account (1003666925) tells a similar story: N2.28 billion credited and N2.26 billion debited from January 2022 to January 2025, leaving N39.3 million frozen under Post-No-Debit orders. Another corporate Zenith account in his name received N54.1 million. Front companies like H&M Nigeria Limited facilitated the laundering, receiving state payments for non-existent services.
In my May 2025 interview with an anonymous ICPC investigator, he described the pattern: "It's a classic Kano hustle—protocol funds are cash cows because they're 'urgent' and hard to audit. Rogo turned it into a personal ATM." The total N6.5 billion, if accurate, represents about 2% of Kano's 2024 FAAC receipts, enough to build dozens of primary schools or equip hospitals in a state where 70% live below the poverty line, per World Bank data.
The Investigations: From Summons to Standoff
The probe ignited in earnest in February 2025. On February 14, the ICPC issued a formal invitation to Mr. Rogo, citing "credible intelligence" on fraud. His lawyers, Potent Attorneys, requested a reschedule on February 18, but by February 20, Mr. Rogo filed a suit challenging the summons as "unlawful harassment." The case dragged into April, when the ICPC escalated by seeking interim forfeiture of the N142 million in the AH Bello account.
On April 7, 2025, a Kano High Court granted the request, freezing the funds pending trial. No claimant emerged by June, leading to a final forfeiture order on July 2. "The court is satisfied these are corruption proceeds linked to Rogo," Justice Amina Ali ruled, per court transcripts I obtained. By August, the ICPC had recovered N1.3 billion overall, including laundered sums traced to Dubai property purchases—echoing Mr. Ganduje's scandals.
The EFCC joined in March 2025, focusing on money laundering. Their August 2025 petition, leaked to me, implicates Mr. Abdulkadir in conspiracy, noting he "could not justify" the BDC payments. Yet, progress stalled in late August when another Kano High Court, on August 20, declared the ICPC's invitation "illegal" and restrained further probes. The judge awarded Mr. Rogo N2 million in costs, citing "lack of jurisdiction." ICPC Chairman Musa Aliyu vowed an appeal, telling reporters, "We won't let powerful allies shield thieves."
My attempts to interview Mr. Rogo were rebuffed; his office cited "ongoing legal matters." Mr. Abdulkadir, now suspended, declined comment through a proxy. These roadblocks highlight a familiar Nigerian paradox: anti-graft agencies empowered on paper but hobbled by politics.
The Government's Defense: Smear or Substance?
Kano State's response has been swift and combative. On August 26, 2025, Director-General of Media Sanusi Bature issued a statement branding the allegations "falsehoods" from APC operatives plotting against Governor Yusuf ahead of 2027. "The Directorate of Protocol is administrative, not a slush fund," Mr. Bature asserted. "All transactions are budgeted with expenditure codes; over 95% settle governor-directed liabilities."
The government flipped the script, accusing the Ganduje era of worse excesses: N20 billion withdrawn via protocol in three months post-2023 elections, plus "multiple accounts" tied to the ex-First Lady and Dubai real estate grabs. "Eight years of corruption under APC," the statement thundered, referencing the dollar video.
Civil society pushed back. In an August 27 Daily Trust interview, lawyer Haruna Yusuf and CSOs like the Kano Integrity Watch urged transparency: "Defend with facts, not deflection." The government's claim that such practices are "common nationwide" rings hollow amid President Tinubu's anti-corruption rhetoric.
Broader Implications: A Microcosm of National Graft
This scandal is no isolated incident; it's a window into Nigeria's corruption ecosystem. The EFCC's 2025 interim report, released in July, logged 2,000 cases nationwide, recovering N150 billion—but convictions lag at 20%. In Kano, where FAAC inflows hit N500 billion in 2024, such diversions exacerbate poverty: 4.5 million residents lack clean water, per UNICEF.
Experts I consulted, like Professor Hauwa Ibrahim, a corruption scholar at Bayero University, Kano, see patterns. "Protocol offices are blind spots," she told me in June 2025. "Without digital tracking, they're ripe for abuse. This case demands federal intervention to audit all states."
Economically, the N6.5 billion could have funded 500 boreholes or 20,000 school meals annually. Instead, it vanished into shadows, fueling cynicism. As one anonymous BDC operator confided in July, "Everyone knows the game—state money buys loyalty, but when it leaks, the poor pay."
Politically, the fallout could reshape Kano. With NNPP's slim majority, the scandal bolsters APC's narrative of "same old graft." Governor Yusuf's reforms—free education, health insurance—risk unraveling if trust erodes.
Voices from the Ground: The Human Cost
In Kano's bustling Sabon Gari market, traders like Aisha Ibrahim, whom I interviewed in August, express fury. "Our taxes build palaces for thieves while roads crumble," she said, gesturing to potholed streets. Youth activist Malam Sani, 28, organized a August 28 protest: "Rogo's billions could employ 10,000 graduates. This is why we riot."
Whistleblowers face risks. Gali Muhammad, the intermediary, went into hiding after his statement, fearing reprisals. "I spoke for justice," he texted me. "But in Kano, truth-tellers vanish."
Seeking Justice: The Road Ahead
As of September 2025, the ICPC's appeal looms, potentially reopening the probe. The EFCC hints at more arrests, including Mr. Abdulkadir. For accountability, Nigeria needs stronger whistleblower protections and digitized budgets—reforms Yusuf pledged but has yet to deliver.
This investigation reveals a stark truth: corruption in Kano isn't a bug; it's the system. Until leaders like Rogo face cuffs, not courts that coddle them, public funds will remain playthings for the powerful. Kano deserves better—a governance reborn, not betrayed.